Towards the end of September 1993, I was summoned to Army Headquarters (AHQ) by the newly appointed Chief of Army Staff (COAS), General Aliyu Gusau. The moment I entered his office, I sensed that something was amiss. He wore an unusually stern expression and did not even offer me a seat before speaking directly.
"Dangiwa, you are my junior brother. I have always taken you into confidence, and now I am your Chief. You have been plotting a coup for some time, yet you did not inform me. Why? The Minister of Defence has even shown me the coup speech you prepared for him."
It was an impossible question to answer. I retorted, asking how he expected me to inform him if he was not part of the plot. I did not deny anything but pointed out that his source, the Minister of Defence, General Sani Abacha, was my co-conspirator.
General Gusau responded, "Very well. The Director of Military Intelligence (DMI), General Ahmed Abdullahi, is outside. Let him take your statement." I saluted and left. At the entrance, I found General Ahmed Abdullahi in camouflage uniform, flanked by officers and soldiers carrying rifles.
I was led into an adjacent room where General Ahmed handed me a piece of paper and instructed me to write a statement. When I asked about the subject, he responded, "The coup they are talking about." I refused, stating that both he and the Minister were fully aware of the details and could brief the COAS better.
Ahmed then informed me that I was to be taken to Kirikiri Prison after writing my statement. He also mentioned that several reconnaissance battalion commanders had been arrested and brought to Lagos.
I was enraged. How could these officers, who had only acted out of a selfless desire to serve justice, be treated as criminals? I pleaded with Ahmed to secure their release, assuring him that I would take full responsibility. He was sympathetic and promised to ensure their safety, though it was clear he was acting under orders that went against his personal convictions.
The news of my arrest spread rapidly through AHQ, prompting many officers to rush to General Gusau's office for confirmation. Some of those involved in the coup plot, led by General Tanko Ayuba and the Chief's Military Assistant, Colonel Ja'afaru Isa, decided to confront the COAS.
Displaying remarkable integrity and courage, they briefed General Gusau on the origins and objectives of our struggle. They openly admitted their involvement, stating that General Abacha and many others were also part of the movement. They expressed their willingness to surrender themselves rather than see me made a scapegoat.
General Gusau was visibly shaken. Near tears, he called me back and informed me that several officers had briefed him on my case. He ordered that I remain in the custody of the DMI while he consulted with General Abacha. He returned after about 30 minutes and instructed Ahmed to place me under house arrest at the Bauchi State Liaison Office, where I had been staying. That night, I remained under close watch.
To my astonishment, I received a phone call from General Ibrahim Babangida (IBB). He had been informed of my arrest by General Abdulsalami Abubakar. I had no idea how he managed to obtain the phone number of the guest house where I was detained.
"What is happening?" he asked.
"I'm under arrest," I replied, promising to brief him later.
IBB later confirmed that he had been shown the coup speech I had prepared for Abacha, which justified our actions as a means to reverse the annulment of the June 12 election and swear in its rightful winner.
The next morning at 9 a.m., General Ahmed Abdullahi escorted me to General Gusau’s office. This time, the COAS was more relaxed. He informed me that I was scheduled to meet General Abacha at noon. Meanwhile, he invited me to join the Chief’s conference, as I was still the Commandant of the Army Command and Staff College (ACCS).
At the meeting, General Gusau joked about being merely an "interim COAS." Ironically, his words proved prophetic, as he was removed just six weeks later.
During the conference, General M.C. Ali pulled me aside, expressing his shock and disappointment over the unfolding events. Meanwhile, Colonel Yakubu Muazu, General Abacha’s Military Assistant and a fellow conspirator, sent for me when the Minister of Defence arrived around 1 p.m. I was left waiting until 5 p.m. before being called in.
I saluted as I entered. Abacha made brief eye contact before fidgeting with the papers on his desk. His voice cracked as he spoke.
"Security reports falsely accused you of plotting independently to overthrow the Interim National Government (ING) and assassinate its members. I am now convinced there is no truth to this. However, since you had already applied for voluntary retirement, we have decided to accept your request."
He then offered me the position of Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States and promised assistance with oil contracts.
I thanked him for his leniency but firmly rejected the appointment. I warned him that neither the ING nor his regime would be able to suppress the June 12 issue. Nigeria would rise against them, and international sanctions would intensify.
Abacha agreed and promised to stay in touch. I took my leave, never to see him again.
Abacha is now dead, and I believe firmly in the consequences of speaking falsehoods against the deceased. If I have lied about him, may God have no mercy on me.
I apologize to my former colleagues whose names I could not omit. A story of this magnitude requires witnesses, especially since the central figure—Abacha—is no longer alive.
I do not seek to glorify myself or portray myself as a hero of democracy. As I have stated before, that narrative is becoming increasingly meaningless. Our actions were motivated by a genuine desire to uphold justice and fulfill our duty as patriotic officers. Personal ambition played no role in our decision.
I, a Hausa-Fulani officer, made immense personal sacrifices to ensure that a Yoruba man was granted his rightful mandate. Nigeria would be a better country if more people adopted this mindset, rejecting parochial interests in favor of national unity.
However, the true responsibility for the crisis lies with the IBB regime. If the June 12 election had not been annulled, there would have been no need for our struggle. If Abacha had acted with integrity, our first coup attempt would have succeeded.
Regrettably, some political figures, particularly within the Social Democratic Party (SDP), legitimized the annulment. Traditional rulers from the Southwest visited Aso Rock and, through the Ooni of Ife, urged the nation to accept Babangida’s reasoning. Even General Olusegun Obasanjo undermined our cause, stating that Abiola was not Nigeria’s "messiah."
Obasanjo’s words inflicted irreparable damage. His international reputation gave weight to the annulment, convincing many that the struggle was futile. Abacha and General Oladipo Diya repeatedly cited his statement to argue that Abiola lacked elite political support and was not worth the sacrifices we were making.
Had these influential figures opposed the annulment, Nigeria could have been spared Abacha’s brutal dictatorship.
There would have been no 1995 and 1997 coup attempts. No Aziza Tribunal condemning Obasanjo and his deputy to death. No Malu Tribunal publicly humiliating esteemed Nigerians. General Shehu Yar’Adua, Chief Moshood Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Alfred Rewane, Suliat Adedeji, and Bagauda Kaltho would still be alive.
There would have been no assassination attempts on Pa Abraham Adesanya, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, Balarabe Musa, Nosa Igiebor, and many others. The likes of General Alani Akinrinade, Commodore Dan Suleiman, Professor Wole Soyinka, Bola Tinubu, and Professor Bolaji Akinyemi would not have been forced into exile.
Yet, the true heroes of that struggle remain unrecognized. Instead, we are treated as enemies of the system our sacrifices helped to shape.
How tragic indeed!
(Originally published in The Sun, March 28-29, 2004.)
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